Israel 2021a preview

Israel’s general election is 23 March. To give away the punch line, I will note the subject line calls this the “2021a” election. That’s because the final polls point to continuing deadlock, and a high chance that there will be a 2021b later this year.

Of course, such a result is not inevitable. Maybe the polls will be off just enough to give one of the blocs a majority of seats. Or maybe there will be surprises after the election, with some party or parties willing to join a bloc that they seemed to have ruled out up to now. But we probably should take a second election this year as the most likely outcome, based on current information.

Jeremy’s Knesset Insider offers the summaries of all public polls. I took the average of all the polls released on either the 18th or 19th of March. The average of these seven polls shows Likud, headed by PM Benjamin Netanyahu, on 30.7 seats, ranging 29-32. (For perspective, it has 36 from the last election.) The second largest party in all polls is Yesh Atid, headed by Yair Lapid, averaging 18.3 and ranging 17-19.

New Hope, headed by ex-Likud senior MK and minister, Gideon Sa’ar, has stumbled late and is now on an average of 8.9, ranging 7-10. It has been narrowly passed by Yamina, headed by Naftali Bennett, averaging 9.3 and ranging 8-10. We can’t say for sure, but it looks like there has been a recent tendency of some intended Yamina and New Hope voters to go (back) the core party of the right, Likud.

All polls show thirteen lists clearing the 3.25% threshold, with one exception. The final Maagar Machot poll has Ra’am falling below. No final poll has the other “on the bubble” lists failing to clear–Meretz, Blue & White, and Religious Zionist all get 4 or 5 seats in every one of these polls. For perspective, there were 8 lists in the last Knesset (although several of these split as soon as the “unity” government was formed); the Seat Product Model expects 11, on average (and that is indeed about what the long-term average has been).

The most important consideration is, of course, the blocs: which group of reasonably like-minded parties can reach 61 seats, a majority in the Knesset? Actually, there really is only one bloc that acts as such in any coherent way, and that is the “Bibi bloc.” At this point, we can count only three lists as fully part of that bloc, and a fourth with an asterisk. For sure, Likud, United Torah Judaism (UTJ), and Shas will govern together if they can find sufficient allies to form a government. Most likely, the Religious Zionist (RZ) list can be counted in, but not necessarily all of it. RZ is an alliance that includes the Kahanist/racist Otzma Yehudit and the anti-gay (among other antis) and misnamed Noam (the name means pleasantness). When they formed this alliance, they called it a “technical bloc” meaning the parties were only allied for purposes of jointly clearing the threshold (and being part of a surplus vote-sharing agreement signed with Likud, which could help the latter earn an additional seat under the Israeli electoral formula).

Netanyahu says Itamar Ben-Gvir, leader of the Otzma Yehudit party, will not be in his government. So, if we take him at his word, we should deduct one seat from their total for purposes of summing up the bloc. It is worth noting, however, that saying Ben-Gvir won’t himself sit in the government is not the same as ruling out a government that needs his seat to get to 61, although we can assume Netanyahu would prefer not to have a government that would fall if he failed to appease Ben-Gvir (and he should feel the same way about Noam, but their candidate is 11th on the list and thus Noam will contribute only votes, not one of the seats). When it comes to retaining power, however, he may make “unpleasant” deals.

Having said all of that, the average total for the bloc in these final polls are just 45.9 for Likud plus the two Haredi parties (range 44-47), and 50.7 (49-53) for these parties plus the full RZ. If Yamina joins, you get 60.0 (60 in all polls but one that has the combo at 61) if you also include all of RZ, or 55.1 (ranging 54-56) if you exclude RZ.

All through this campaign, Yamina leader Bennett has been non-committal. He has sat in opposition since a government was finally formed after the March, 2020 election. He has called himself a candidate for Prime Minister. While he has said he will not serve in a government headed by Lapid, he has not said he would not serve in a government that includes Lapid’s party and others outside the Bibi bloc. Bennett pointedly refused to sign a pledge to be part of Netanyahu’s government. Most observers, myself included, assume Bennett would join Bibi if his doing so would get to 61 seats. But he also likely would join a government of non-Bibi parties if he got a better deal. The problem is that those parties may not be in a position to offer a better deal–or any deal at all.

The core opposition that might form a government, including only Zionist parties, reaches an average of only 48.4 seats without Yamina; the range in polls is 48-50. This counts Yesh Atid, New Hope, Yisrael Beiteinu (headed by Avigdor Liberman and formerly part of the Bibi bloc), Blue & White (Benny Gantz), and on the left, Labor, and Meretz. That is six parties, with plenty of policy and personality differences between them, and still well short. Even if Yamina joins, they have only 57.7 (ranging 56-60).

Hence my conclusion that there will be a second election later in 2021. If the polls are not considerably off at the bloc level, the only way a second election will be avoided is if some currently unexpected coalition or support deals emerge.

A deal for a Bibi-bloc government could potentially include Ra’am, which is a party that was previously part of the Joint List (of Arab parties). This is the religious-conservative (Islamist) party that never belonged on the “left” even though as part of the Joint List (which includes Israel’s former communist party) it was routinely classified as part of the left. The party and its leader, Mansour Abbas, has made various policy deals with Netanyahu and seems open to doing so in the next Knesset. Netanyahu has said, however, that he will not form a government dependent on the party for its survival. Would he break that? Would Bennett go along? Well, it may be a purely academic question, as no final poll has this combination at 61 (average 58.6, range 55-60).

Would the grand anti-Bibi alliance accept dependence on Ra’am and/or the Joint List to sustain a government? It seems unlikely–these parties, or at least the Joint List, do not even want to be responsible for forming and sustaining the government of Israel. It is even more unlikely if Yamina is needed, as it surely would be. Even if we take both Arab lists, but not Yamina, we do not get 61 except in one poll (Panels for Maariv), and the average is 60.

A possibility is that Blue & White would go with Bibi again. However, it is a close call whether this would work. If it does not include RZ, but does include Yamina, it averages only 59.7, but the range is 59-63; only one final poll has it over 60. If RZ is added (presumably minus both Otzma and Noam) you can add three or four seats and the bloc has over 61 in all recent polls. (I hesitate to entertain the prospect of New Hope being the one to put Likud over the top. I just don’t see it happening. But if it did, and Yamina was a part of it, it hits 64 on average, with range of 62 to 65.)

A sort of wild card idea is Shas breaks its commitment to Bibi when it is clear no such government can form. This averages 66 seats! It would hard for Shas to sit with Yesh Atid and even harder for it to be with Yisrael Beiteinu. Shas is generally more flexible than UTJ, but it is has been a while since the two went separate ways. If Yesh Atid and allies also brought in UTJ somehow, a government could be formed without needing the now ultra-secular Yisrael Beitneinu. It would result in an average of 65.4. However, it would be hard to imagine all these parties being able to serve with Meretz. The good news is that even without Meretz, these parties combine for 61.3 on average, with only one poll having them below 61 and two having them on 63. So there you have it, a seven-party non-Likud coalition it at least imaginable! It would not be easy or stable, however.

Earlier in the campaign there was much “new hope” that a grand opposition alliance of Zionist parties of left and right could displace the Bibi bloc. As recently as the Panels/103FM poll of 15 March, such a combo had a bare majority (61 seats). But with no final poll showing them at 61 and only one as high as 60, it looks unlikely. Maybe this group of parties will out-perform its final polls. But if not, I don’t see a government being formed from this mess. Israeli politics often surprises me, so maybe it will again, but the safe call is continuing deadlock and a 2021b election being necessary.

10 thoughts on “Israel 2021a preview

  1. I was going to do one of my posts about the individual candidates in marginal list slots, as I have done in some past elections, but most of them are not very interesting this time around. One is, however: Ranked 8th on the Yisrael Beiteinu list is Yossi Shain. He is a 1988 Yale PhD in political science and coauthored a book, Between States (which I happen to have on my shelf) with Juan Linz. He is currently the Romulo Betancourt Professor of Political Science at TAU and Professor of Comparative Government and Diaspora Politics at Georgetown.

    So, if we want to boost political scientists in the Knesset, we should get out the vote for Yisrael Beiteinu (no, it is not exactly my favorite party, but… personal vote!).

    Links: JPost article that mentions his candidacy.

    Wiki on his career.

    Shain’s Georgetown page (not much there).

    • Yes, that is my understanding; that article makes it all the more clear. I was being charitable that he might not want to form a government with 61 seats where Otzma is a one-man veto player. But as I noted, when survival in office is in stake, he is likely not to worry too much about pleasantness. (Mixing up the parties here, but you get the idea.)

    • And I neglected to mention that the 28th (and therefore likely electable) slot on the Likud list is a Tkuma candidate, Ofir Sofer. Tkuma is, of course, otherwise a main component of the Religious Zionist list. I believe this will mean he will have been won a seat on three different lists in recent elections! (Union of Right Wing Parties, Yamina, Likud.)

  2. Well, either the exit polls are wrong, or the pre-election polls were wrong. Or there was a lot of changing of minds in the last few days (which might be the most likely explanation).

    The exit polling average has the Bibi bloc (including RZ) at almost three seats over the average of final pre-election polls. More to the point, it has the bloc on 61 seats. In the exit polls, all the parties that were projected at around 4-5 seats are at 6-8 instead, except Ra’am which is at 0 in all. And the party closest to the threshold, but not clearing, is actually Gideon Sa’ar’s New Hopeless. (See what I did there?) Like Sa’ar, Bennet also did much worse than expected.

    BUT THESE ARE ONLY EXIT POLLS!

    The three exit polls can be viewed at the TOI live blog; scroll to the posts immediately after 10:00 p.m. Israeli time.

  3. Well, the exit polls were wrong and the final polls closer to right, and the United Arab List (Ra’am) showed that Israeli polls continue to underestimate Arab votes.

    Looks like 2021b is in the making, which makes me really wonder: just how many times do they need to do the exact same thing before they pass an electoral reform that will make a deadlock less likely? Whether that be a majority bonus for a pre-electoral coalition or shifting to a presidential or semi-presidential system where the executive is not subject to parliamentary confidence, one would think at some point they’ll realize they can’t keep having deadlocked elections and no permanent, stable government.

    • I have been wondering the same thing, and I cringe at the prospect. On the other hand, a deadlocked Knesset is unlikely to pass anything too substantive in the way of institutional reform.

      What they should consider is Ganghof’s “semi-parliamentary” concept. (I promise to write something about this in the near future, for those who are not familiar with the idea.)

  4. While the exit polls initially reported Ra’am had not cleared, the final polls had them making it, except for one.

    Possibly unpopular opinion: Given what a knife’s edge phenomenon it is for a list to be over or under the threshold, and that the number of seats in question is well within the margin of error, I am actually quite impressed by how good the polls in Israel prove to be in most elections. And I include the exit polls in that.

  5. Pingback: Israel government update and the likelihood of a 2021b election | Fruits and Votes

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